On January 1, 1995, the World Trade Organization replaced the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT, 1947) and became the first international institution with binding dispute resolution covering most of world trade. Under GATT a losing party could simply block adoption of a panel ruling; under the WTO, judgments were automatic, and a ruling against a member state was enforceable through retaliatory tariffs authorized by the WTO itself. No previous international body had this kind of teeth. China joined in 2001 after fifteen years of negotiation, and the system reached the world's largest manufacturer. By 2010, the WTO governed more than $20 trillion of annual trade, more than 95% of global commerce.
The WTO's appellate body — the highest court of international trade law, seven judges sitting in Geneva — heard hundreds of cases and produced rulings that bound the United States, the European Union, Japan, and China alike; even superpowers complied, paying the tariffs or changing the laws. The system worked, by most measures, until it became a victim of its own legalism. Two things broke it. First, the China shock: the WTO had no good tools for handling a member that combined nominal market-economy commitments with massive state subsidies, technology-transfer requirements, and a closed home market — its rules assumed firms, not states, were the competitors. Second, the American political reaction: starting in the late Obama administration and accelerating dramatically under Trump, the United States blocked appointments to the appellate body, draining it judge by judge until it lost its quorum in December 2019. The dispute-resolution system stopped functioning at exactly the moment the trade order was breaking down. The Biden administration did not restore it, sharing the underlying grievance that the body had overreached; the Trump second-term posture is openly hostile, wielding unilateral tariffs the WTO was built to forbid. The result is a multilateral trade system whose legal scaffolding is intact in form and broken in operation — a court with no judges, rules with no umpire.
Preferential trade agreements (RCEP, the world's largest; CPTPP; USMCA) are filling the gap left by WTO paralysis, but they are regional and bilateral, not universal, and they leave the poorest non-aligned states outside every club. The fragmentation of the global trade order into blocs and bilaterals — friend-shoring, near-shoring, tariff walls — is the practical reality of the 2020s. Whether the WTO can be resurrected — perhaps with a redesigned dispute-resolution mechanism, perhaps with new rules for state-led economies — or whether it slowly fades into a forum for negotiation rather than enforcement, is one of the unresolved structural questions of the global economy.